The French Connection in the “crop-apartheid” affair

CWEH Activists Blog: 7 February 2018
Carol Yong

To continue the theme of my last post on palm oil smallholdings, it seems that the ruling BN government’s jitters about the “crop-apartheid” eased. It is almost as if the oil from that golden palm has greased the tension, well, at least between Malaysia and France. This came after recent high-level visits by French government representatives to Malaysia.

Yes, if we follow the developments after the barrage of hard attacks on the EU Parliament, the Malaysian government’s position lately is inversed. Insofar as the French connection is concerned, and where the connections do exist, are clearly linked to economic and political factors. Moving away from hostility towards more friendly foreign relations maybe has some sort of underlying roots in bilateral trade or new trade deals in the making? Obviously this is the question in my mind. At first let’s take a look at the encounters on both sides, as reported in various local media.

A Tale of Two Delegations

From antagonism to diplomatic etiquette

The French Ambassador for the Environment led a delegation of 30 representatives from the Agriculture, Agrifood, and Forestry Ministry and palm oil researchers to Malaysia. I am quite certain it was an opportune time to visit, coming amidst the heightened concerns of the Malaysian government over the recent EU Parliament’s vote to phase out the use of palm oil from 2021 in its new renewable energy directive (RED).

France wants our palm oil, so we need more big plantations? (Pahang)

One media headline read: Envoy says France has no plans to ban palm oil, open to cooperation.[1] It goes on to say: “France does not practise any discrimination measures against palm oil, in fact, the European country is ready to explore the possibility of developing a joint agenda with Malaysia on issues pertaining to palm oil.” For obvious reasons: France needs our palm oil.

The same newspaper reported on statistics provided by the French Embassy in Malaysia, that palm oil is used in France for agro-food, chemical/cosmetics and energy (biofuels), with about 60% for technical and industrial purposes (especially biofuels) and 40% for the production of food. That Malaysia’s palm oil exports to France had doubled to 629 tonnes in 2017 from 303 tonnes in 2016, which accounted for six per cent of total European import, whereas, Europe, which is the second largest importer of Malaysian palm oil, imported 1.99 billion tonnes in 2017, from 2.06 billion tonnes in 2016.
[The statistics seems questionable, but the local paper reported as such, not me!]

From anxiety to hope

A French Minister headed an entourage for paving the way for France’s continued presence in Malaysia, describing the meeting as “very fruitful exchange on all issues”. To be more precise, the exchange between the French Minister of the Armed Forces and the Malaysian Prime Minister:[2]

Malaysian Prime Minister: … on the question of palm oil?

French Minister of the Armed Forces: “France is in favour of no ban and no discrimination against palm oil, at national level and the European Union level […] The French government understands perfectly the importance of palm oil for the economy of Malaysia, in particular for its rural development. Malaysia can count on France on this issue.”

In a joint press conference later with her Malaysian counterpart, the French Minister noted the congruence between the interests of Malaysia and France especially related to “the threats to global order including terrorism, challenges to international law of the sea and cyber defence”, whereas the Malaysian Minister said “both ministers agreed to strengthen military to military cooperation through bilateral exercises and regular interactions.”

Responding to the open support of the French government representatives, the MPIC Minister quickly issued a statement banking hopes on France “correcting negative perceptions among ministers from 28 EU countries that will take part in the talks” between EU Council of Ministers and EU members of Parliament. In short, Malaysia needs to make sure that the 74 French members of the EU Parliament “will give due consideration and support our efforts to defend and uphold social justice for over 650,000 smallholders”[3]

Ahh, the MPIC emphasis on the palm oil smallholders again – I have given ample commentary on this in my earlier post. What interests me more here is to share a few fundamental insights on France-Malaysia relationship that links with the broader politics and trade issues pertinent in the past as well as in today’s context.

What does France want?

Post-Brexit,[4] the young French President seems to have put himself at the forefront in pushing for a “United” European Union. In the larger scheme of things, what does he really have to say about his representatives who went to Malaysia and openly shifted France’s position away from the EU on the palm oil biolfuels ban directive? And why is France supporting the position of Malaysia? I can only guess: vested interest to protect.

You see, the Malaysian Deputy PM said the government would not hesitate to boycott products from Europe to punish them if they decide to boycott palm oil.[5] Malaysia prides itself on being tops in telling the west how to behave or threatening “to cut off trade with countries that have vowed to reduce palm oil consumption”. Even last July, Malaysia declared “to review its trade with France after Paris decided to limit the use of palm oil in biofuels”. But the snip never came.

France has significant trade and businesses interests and investments in Malaysia, for example, technology sectors, arms procurement, military equipment and defence services. And is this why the recent French dignitaries repeatedly assured their hosts: “France did not support discriminatory policies and the French government appreciated the goodwill enjoyed between Malaysia and France”?

Greasy politics-arms trade links

More disturbing is the politics-trade links, specifically French arms procurement. If you do not yet know, there was the Scorpene submarines big scandal involving suspected commissions paid to Malaysian defence officials in the French submarines sale in 2002, exposed by Malaysian human rights group Suaram. As the scandal intensified most seriously the gruesome murder of Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibuu on 19 October 2006, Suaram filed a complaint to the French Court in November 2009. The same year, on 3 April 2009, Najib took over the Premiership of Malaysia. As well, the UMNO-BN traditional media and their bosses stymied all reporting of views of Opposition, Suaram and others, especially the controversy surrounding the murder of Altantuya, which Najib has alleged links to,[6] whilst the same newspapers had carried reports about UMNO-BN warning “false information”, “Opposition lies”, and so on especially during election time.

On 15 December 2015, after six long years of investigations, the case finally surfaced in a French court with the first indictment issued against the former boss of an international subsidiary of Thales, “suspected of having corrupted then defence minister and the present Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak”.[7]

Of course, for many lay persons today in Malaysia and France, the Scorpene submarine scandal may seem insubstantial. But scrutinise the site map of France Diplomatie and check the search results for French defence industry. Brace yourself for this, a couple of other “expensive toys” worth noting …

• Two French-made Mistral warship aircraft carriers, the Sevastopol and the Vladivostok initially intended for Russia but cancelled and now sitting in French water. News floated that Malaysia was among at least 12 nations keen on the procurement of Mistral helicopter carriers; the Malaysian Defense Minister (a cousin of PM Najib) denied any discussions with his French counterpart, but a French paper carried reports about the French Defense Mnister visit to Malaysia at about the same time to discuss the sale of one of the warships.
• Rafale fighter jets. In 2015 the same Malaysian Defence Minister reportedly announced that the Malaysian government is reviewing a French proposal to purchase 16 Rafael multirole combat jets.

Dealing with history

Workers loading oil palm fruits produced from a smallholding. Note the village in the background. (Selangor)

In the “crop apartheid” crisis, the Malaysian government and MPIC pride themselves on being the best  - going by their much-touted proclamation “to fight for a just solution in the best interest of our palm oil exporters and smallholders." I will take that seriously if equal benefit-sharing applies to both big AND small palm oil growers, and revenues from palm oil exports are used for real development especially of the deserving poor regions and communities. Not all indigenous peoples in the rural areas and poorest of the poor communities reject development, especially if “development” is decided by them as what they need, or minimally implemented and controlled by communities themselves.

In reality, the vested interests of serving political groups in power, their supporters and big economic corporates, both in the East and West, is a bottomless pit. Has a similar strategy been used by France to deal with Malaysia amidst the controversy of the EU ban, hoping to achieve win-win situations that favour powerful individuals, corporates, incumbent governments or their supporters, French and Malaysians alike?

If you also do not yet know, the legacy of "French foreign policy" still casts a bitter shadow over the Sanjak of Alexandretta, formerly part of the Aleppo Vilayet of the Ottoman Empire. The picture at a glance (Source: Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republic_of_Hatay):

The sanjak was occupied by France at the end of World War I and constituted part of the French Mandate of Syria. On behalf of the League of Nations, representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium and Turkey prepared a constitution for the sanjak, enforced in November 1937 recognising the Sanjak as “distinct but not separated” from Syria on the diplomatic level, linked to both France and Turkey for defense matters. The Turks under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk wanted to annex the territory as part of Turkey when the mandate of Syria expired, and the French let the Turks take over the area, hoping that they would turn on Hitler.

Perhaps the darkest shadow cast by French intervention is one that is harder still to perceive: the legacy of Khomeini in Iran. For those who wish to read more, go to: www.brusselsjournal.com/node/1857 (France and the Iranian Revolution).

Elections coming up again (Poster war GE13 in 2013)

And, by the way, Malaysians are awaiting for the “when exactly” upcoming general elections (GE14). The answer remains elusive; under the system in Malaysia, the ruling BN government, specifically the PM who decides when to call for elections.

Ahead of the polls, is the Malaysian government trying to show its citizens how brave they are in facing the West, that “Malaysia is not a country that can be manipulated”? And does the French know that this is all part and parcel of the election game, theatrical performance, to get the BN-UMNO government to win the elections?

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